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Former Second-in-Command Dick Cheney: A Retrospective on the Impactful Government Service

The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was considered arguably the most powerful incumbents of the vice-presidency in American history. While countless vice-presidents had to settle for marginal or ceremonial positions, Cheney held huge sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was commonly described as the "real president".

Bush disliked this portrayal and stated the dynamic was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in public as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their association as a partnership because it indicated that they were peers. In spite of these objections, Cheney considered the relaxed president malleable on a wide array of governmental choices.

A Aftermath of 9/11

Leading of a group of neo-conservatives that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a session at a school in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the destruction of any unidentified aircraft approaching the Capitol building.

Cheney said the attacks changed him, making him become focused on retribution. Together with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.

Debated Decisions

He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the harsh treatment of suspects captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on misleading intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It was the proper decision to do at that time. I was convinced back then and I maintain that stance now."

But even then, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the post. "I saw, as a baseline," he wrote later "clear negligence, negligence, and unaccountability: potentially, falsehoods, incompetence, and graft."

Wider Perspective

Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had drafted a document detailing circumstances in which American interests might be threatened (featuring "availability of vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be postured to act independently when collective action cannot be arranged," specifically referencing military moves against Iraq.

Bush too had arrived in the White House somewhat determined on carrying out what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of diminishing America's involvement in the regional tensions and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.

Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been behind a plot to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his father's face that everyone had to step on.

Interrogation Methods

However it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous advocating striking Iraq, repeatedly citing intelligence reports that were both weak or completely inaccurate. He supported what the Bush White House politely called as "advanced techniques", the use of simulated drowning and torture.

Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the findings as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and put in place initiatives to capture the bastards who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of praise."

External Perception

Cheney took pleasure in labels imposed on him by opponents such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the background that remains unseen emerge from his domain? This represents a nice way to function, in fact."

Corporate Connections

Controversy over his corporate affiliations accompanied him throughout his time as VP. While he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.

In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US agreements totaling multiple billions.

It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his time at the company rose from his $258,394 during his time as defence secretary to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package worth in excess of $20m|twenty

The writer

James Rodriguez

Elias Verhoeven is a tech journalist and digital strategist with a decade of experience in covering innovation and digital transformation.

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